J. Michael Luttig, the current “conservative” darling of the Deep State drive to take out Donald Trump utilizing Section 3 of the 14th Amendment, is not a conservative at all. You might disagree with me if you are of that strange school which considers the monstrous Dick Cheney to be a conservative or a Republican in the mode of Lincoln. Dick Cheney has always been a key backer of J. Michael Luttig. He otherwise comes from the Bush wing of the Republican Party which the MAGA movement has all but vanquished.

When the Martinist lawyer Joseph de Maistre laid the basis for modern fascist legal theory, he had the character type of Cheney and Luttig in mind—very smart aggressive satanic narcissists ready and willing to do anything to advance the interests of their oligarchical masters. Joseph de Maistre, a leading participant in the Jacobin Terror and the later tyranny of the prototypical beast-man Napoleon Bonaparte, famously wrote about the vital role of the executioner in maintaining social order—through bestialization and terror. "All grandeur, all power, all subordination to authority rests on the executioner; he is the horror and the bond of human association. Remove this incomprehensible agent from the world, and at that very moment, order gives way to chaos, thrones topple, and society disappears." These words accurately describe J. Michael Luttig’s judicial career and philosophy. Like Robert Mueller, Bill Barr, and others of his ilk, he is a legal assassin.

Luttig was spotted in his youth as a candidate for the dark arts by none other than Vice-President George H.W. Bush. He worked in the Reagan White House and then clerked for Antonin Scalia when Scalia was working at the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals. Next, he clerked for and intimately befriended Chief Justice Warren Burger at the Supreme Court. This connection was most useful in advancing Luttig’s career although Burger was far intellectually inferior to this Iago.  Justice Lewis Powell nicknamed Burger the “Great White Doughnut” since, a Powell clerk said, “He had white hair and a bald spot in the middle, and it signifies nothing inside.”  On track, Luttig then practiced briefly at the law firm of the Morgans, Davis, Polk, and Wardwell. George H.W. Bush plucked him for multiple roles at the DOJ in his administration and then, in 1991, at age 37, Bush nominated Luttig to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit.

At the Fourth Circuit, with Luttig in the intellectual lead and Scalia as the Supreme Court Justice for emergency appeals, the state of Virginia became a judicially enforced speeding death train for those charged with capital crimes. Unless a claim of innocence was brought 21 days after trial, no claim of innocence could be considered by any court thereafter. Incompetent attorneys were employed on behalf of indigent defendants as a regular practice. Prosecutors routinely hid exculpatory evidence from defense attorneys. Underpaid and unskilled lawyers routinely failed to investigate mitigating circumstances, such as mental retardation or mental illness, in capital cases. Lawyers defending capital cases on appeal before Luttig repeatedly complained that he liberally adjusted and falsified the factual record of the cases, inserting new facts to fit the death decision he would invariably make.

In 1994, Luttig’s father, Texas oil man John Luttig, was murdered in a carjacking by three high school students in Texas while his mother played dead. The alleged shooter was the light skinned 17-year-old Black kid, Napolean Beazley, president of his High School class, son of a city councilman, an honor student, aspiring to go to Stanford. Beazley said he did it on a dare to fit in to the decadent Black culture which surrounded young people of the time. He had been taunted as acting “too white.”  As widely reported, Luttig moved his chambers to Texas and for all practical purposes ran the trial, insisting that the death sentence was the only appropriate resolution. Beazley offered to plead guilty in return for a life sentence. Luttig got his pound of flesh.

Post-trial, it was revealed that Luttig had personally threatened Beazley’s co-defendants to secure their false testimony against Beazley in return for taking the death penalty off the table. That was not revealed to the defense. He had lobbied and strong-armed prosecutors into demanding the death penalty. Nonetheless, Beazley’s death sentence was opposed by the District Attorney who brought the charges, and the trial judge, who, she pointed out, was not some weak-kneed liberal. She had imposed the death penalty on five men already in her career. When the case came to the U.S. Supreme Court Luttig got his way by a different route. Three justices recused themselves based on their relationship to Luttig. Thomas, Souter, and Scalia recused, leaving a 3-3 tie which meant that the death penalty would be enforced.

“The act I committed to put me here was not just heinous, it was senseless,” Napoleon’s final statement on May 28, 2002, read. “But the person that committed that act is no longer here—I am. I’m not going to struggle physically against any restraints. I’m not going to shout, use profanity, or make idle threats. Understand, though, that I’m not only upset, but I’m saddened by what is happening here tonight . . . Tonight, we tell our children that in some instances, in some cases, killing is right. I’m sorry that I am here. I’m sorry that you all are here. I’m sorry that John Luttig died. And I’m sorry that it was something in me that caused all of this to happen. No one wins tonight. No one gets closure. No one walks away victorious.”

Thereafter, death penalty defenders in Virginia repeatedly asked Luttig to recuse himself from hearing death penalty appeals because he could not separate his traumatic and emotional loss from cases before him. He refused. He never granted a death penalty appeal. In 2005, the U.S. Supreme Court abolished the death penalty against minors. Finally in 2021, Virginia itself abolished the death penalty.

Luttig, based on providing more clerks to the Supreme Court than any other judge as well as his notoriety with his sponsors, such as Dick Cheney, was repeatedly put forward as the “next” Supreme Court nominee. That didn’t happen—John Roberts and Samuel Alito got George W. Bush’s nominations instead. Bush’s autobiography implies that Luttig’s arrogance and narcissism blew his chances. Nonetheless, Luttig labored on, opining in the case of the dirty bomber, Jose Padilla, that it was perfectly okay to designate a U.S. citizen as an “enemy combatant” and hold that citizen in a military prison without trial, the legal position advocated by Cheney and the administration. The DOJ, however, fearing a Supreme Court reversal, changed course and remanded Padilla to the criminal courts for trial. Ever the narcissist, Luttig blew his stack and tried to block the transfer, noting that the DOJ had dissed him and therefore had dissed the courts. Kind of like Anthony Fauci’s proclamation that he is science. The Solicitor General Paul Clement lambasted Luttig for throwing an ego fit and attempting to arrogate to himself powers which can only be exercised by the President.

Luttig resigned but not without a golden parachute arranged by DC super lobbyist Ken Duberstein. He became general counsel to Boeing earning millions, although Boeing continued, under his reign, to be the center of corruption scandals and engineering incompetence. Its 737 max fleet crashed twice killing 347 people and was grounded. It paid massive fines for deceiving FAA inspectors about the planes.

It was Luttig who convinced Mike Pence, on behalf of Washington’s Republican establishment, not to reject electoral votes under the Election Count Act on January 6. Ironically, two of his clerks, John Eastman and Senator Ted Cruz took the opposite view. In the numerous interviews he has given the fawning liberal corporate media. Luttig brags that he has been conspiring with the Trump deranged Laurence Tribe of Harvard on the phony 14th Amendment claim for three years.